Immigration and Boarders

Trump calls the U.S.-Mexico border ‘extremely dangerous.’ It is – but not for Americans.

This post was originally published on this site A U.S. Border Patrol K-9 team searches for undocumented immigrants near the…

This post was originally published on this site

A U.S. Border Patrol K-9 team searches for undocumented immigrants near the U.S.-Mexico border Dec. 9, 2015. (John Moore/Getty Images)

“The border” is an evocative concept. A majority of Americans don’t live near it, and their encounters with the roughly 2,000 miles that separate the U.S. and Mexico have mostly been art emphasizing lawless badlands — Cormac McCarthy books and films like “No Country for Old Men” and “Sicario.”

You can add President Trump’s Twitter feed to that. On Tuesday, the president wrote: “We must have Security at our VERY DANGEROUS SOUTHERN BORDER, and we must have a great WALL to help protect us, and to help stop the massive inflow of drugs pouring into our country!”

Is the border dangerous, or as Trump contends, “very dangerous?”

It is an important question at a moment when the government faces a shutdown over the fate of “dreamers,” immigrants brought to the United States illegally as children, while the Trump administration seeks to link immigration and terrorism.

The answer depends on who you are and where you find yourself.

For U.S. citizens north of the border

If you’re an American concerned about safety, your best statistical bet is to live close to the border. The crime rates in U.S. border counties are lower than the average for similarly sized inland counties, with two exceptions out of 23 total, according to an upcoming analysis by the Mexico Institute at the Wilson Center, a Washington think tank. “There is no doubt, the U.S. side [of the border] is a very safe place,” said Christopher Wilson, deputy director of the institute.

There are a few general conclusions as to why this is the case. There is a substantial federal law enforcement presence in towns and along highways in the border counties. And migrants — both documented and undocumented — are careful to avoid law enforcement so as to not endanger their immigration status; their lower crime rates compared to U.S.-born citizens reflect that.

Wilson cautioned about some exceptions. Ranchers in southern Arizona have encountered drug traffickers on their property, and those people are more likely to carry weapons and commit violent crimes. From the ranchers’ porches, the relative safety of their community may not matter when looking at traffickers through binoculars.

The traffickers’ criminal activity would also not register in the United States, which could contribute to an artificially low crime rate where illicit activity is ongoing but not documented by authorities. They also avoid law enforcement — it’s bad for business — and they are more likely to settle disputes and problems in Mexico, where police and rule of law are barriers they can more easily overcome.

White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders did not return a request to provide context for Trump’s remarks.

For migrants and Mexican citizens south of the border

Drug trafficking is the main driver of violence on Mexico’s side of the border. The northern state of Tamaulipas is among the deadliest in all of Mexico, as cartels clash over valuable smuggling routes into South Texas, and violence has surged in Tijuana as criminal elements vie for similar routes and an expanding local drug market. Migrants and locals try to avoid being caught in the cartels’ crossfire, but the danger does not end there.

Migrant deaths climbed 17 percent in the first seven months of 2017, according to U.N. data, fueling speculation that tougher rhetoric and enhanced security led to migrants taking riskier routes in rivers and open desert, a “balloon effect” of security measures forcing migrants to try their luck farther from cities and highways.

Migrants also turn to smugglers, who often charge thousands of dollars to get them across the border. In many cases, the smugglers are tied to the very same drug cartels whose violence migrants try to avoid. In July, 10 migrants suffocated in a tractor-trailer parked in San Antonio.

There was a slight decline in deaths last year — 294 migrants died crossing the border in 2017, compared with 329 in 2016 — but that comes with a decline in overall border activity and questions raised about local authorities undercounting and underreporting remains found in their jurisdictions. More than 7,200 migrants died crossing the border from Mexico since 1998, or about 1,500 more than U.S. troops killed in Iraq and Afghanistan combined.

When it comes to drug smuggling, there appear to be few solutions a physical wall would bring, Wilson said. Hard drugs like heroin and cocaine mostly come into the United States through ports of entry such as manned checkpoints, mixed with the $1 million a minute in trade that flows both ways. And sealing the border over the past two decades has produced an unintended consequence: It forced drug cartels to become more sophisticated, producing networks of scouts, lookouts and bribery infrastructures to sidestep the human element, Wilson said.

And as Ioan Grillo noted in the New York Times, blunting avenues does nothing to drug demand, but it does make trafficking operations more expensive, and the cost is passed on to the buyer. The consequence, he wrote, is cartels only becoming richer and deadlier.

“Stronger levels of security are met with new creative efforts. It doesn’t mean we shouldn’t do it, but we need to be skeptical of something that sounds like a silver-bullet solution,” Wilson said.

Houlton disputed that notion, saying a border wall would block “illegal aliens” and drugs, and in effect, the criminals who traffic them.

“Our goal to diminish their power,” Houlton said of the cartels, adding that the wall is among other policy proposals, like ending so-called chain migration and curtailing the practice of immigrants who overstay their visas. That method of unlawful presence was twice the rate of illegal border crossings in 2014, and eclipsed illegal border crossing as the primary means of entry a decade ago.

For U.S. Customs and Border Patrol

Protecting the southern border is a difficult task, officials contend. There were 786 documented assaults on officers and agents in 2017, an increase from 454 in 2016, according to government data, though Houlton could not say why there was a dramatic uptick in assaults. “Any crime committed by an illegal alien is a crime that shouldn’t have occurred in the first place,” he said.

In December, an agent was struck by a rock in the chest and knocked off his all-terrain vehicle near migrants suspected of crossing illegally. Responding agents dispersed the group with tear gas.

And in November, U.S. Border Patrol agent Rogelio Martinez was found dead with a head injury and broken bones in West Texas. Trump seized on the moment to justify hard-line immigration policies and used rhetoric to “build the wall,” but it remains unclear whether Martinez was murdered or if he was the victim of a tragic fall in rough terrain. A spokesman for the CPB union did not return a request for comment.

Read more:

Graphic: A look at Trump’s border wall prototypes

A burst of acrimony on Capitol Hill threatens immigration deal

Inside the tense, profane White House meeting on immigration

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